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Our most important news organization is quietly pulling off a revolution

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The evidence has been building for weeks – no, for months – but in the past few days it has struck me with a thrilling clarity: The New York Times is giving us news – good and bad, soft and hard — about a richly representative array of Americans. That hoary presumption that all the news that’s fit to print is male (and white) seems at long last to be under serious challenge.

Last Friday’s Weekend Arts II section, and yesterday’s Sunday Business section ( I read the paper online AND in print, and I sense that this shift may be more evident in print) provided delicious examples. Arts (April 20, 2018) had a lead story on the artist Adrian Piper and her new show at the Museum of Modern Art. Also on the cover was a conversation with the U.S. poet laureate Tracy K. Smith and Jacqueline Woodson, the National Ambassador for Young People’s Literature. Inside, the riches continued: a wonderful gathering of faces (and topics) from all over the American spectrum. Continue reading Our most important news organization is quietly pulling off a revolution

Similarly, yesterday’s (April 22, 2018) Business section had as its lead a piece on Campbell Brown, with a photo teasing an inside look at what Marissa Mayer is up to post-Yahoo.

Women in (and out of) journalism have been ardently (and mostly fruitlessly) seeking this change for years.

I remember well, back in 1990, when Max Frankel (then executive editor of The New York Times, a former boss of mine and a man I like and respect) was frustrated by a survey that showed that his paper had even fewer front-page stories about women than other prominent papers. He told the Washington Post: “If you are covering local teas, you’ve got more women [on the front page] than the Wall Street Journal.”

The next day, the vast majority of Timeswomen came to work with teabags pinned to their lapels, and Max lamented his choice of wording. Yet there was truth in his words, however maladroit. If women weren’t allowed to DO things, they couldn’t be portrayed in the paper as having done them.

But the issue was much larger, as shown indelibly by the Times’ recent work bringing to light prominent women who never got their own obituaries.  One mind-boggling discovery:  The paper made no mention of Charlotte Bronte’s death, but gave her husband an obit.

Gloria Steinem, who long led the charge to make news inclusive, put it this way: “It’s hard to think of anything except air, food and water that is more important than the media. Literally, I’ve spent most of my life working in the media. That has made me hyper aware of how it creates for us the idea of normal, whether or not the normal is accurate. Especially for groups that have been on the periphery for whatever reason: If we can’t see it, we can’t be it.”

Well, now we can see it, at least in the Times: Women in all their glory and all their quirks, their talent and their shortcomings – women as full human beings, playing multiple roles, making countless contributions.

Why now? Part of the change of course affirms Max’s point, however distasteful it seemed. Women ARE now in more of the positions that journalists have deemed newsworthy. They couldn’t have done a piece on Marissa Mayer post-Yahoo if she hadn’t led Yahoo in the first place. Another part of it is the evolving enlightenment of people in other positions of power: If the artist Adrian Piper hadn’t been seen as worthy by MoMA, she’d wouldn’t have been seen in the Times, either.

Surely, too, this increased and more varied visibility has been given a head of steam by women’s activism in the past year: the women’s march and related events, and the #MeToo movement specifically.

Finally, we can’t ignore the internal workings of the Times. The paper’s culture has changed so substantially over recent decades that I can’t help believing it stems back to (now former publisher) Arthur Sulzberger, Jr., who from early in his leadership called diversity and inclusion the “single most important” issue at the paper.  And surely the man at the top of the news operation, Executive Editor Dean Baquet, has led the transformation, from the hiring decisions that build in their impact over time to the choices about where to place resources. Just look at photos of the Times’ recent Pulitzer winners for affirmation.

Now the effects are evidenced throughout the paper, and I expect they’re here to stay. Inclusion of women and of people of color (equally essential, and another arena in which I think the progress at the Times has been impressive, though I’ll leave that to keener eyes to assess) will be self-sustaining because it forms a virtuous circle. The Times is a better paper because it is bringing us a much more interesting report – a report both more complicated and more promising because it more accurately reflects the world around it.

It’s worth noting that all of this is happening even as the Times does some of its most important, digging, substantive investigative and entrepreneurial work. This is to be expected. Excellence and inclusion are natural partners, however obstinately the blindfolded have cast them as mutually exclusive.

Including more viewpoints and bringing in a broader array of talents were always going to make for better journalism. It just took a (very long) while to figure that out.

Can we have a better sexual-harassment conversation?

Boy, is this ever a moment: Sexual harassment has come out of the dark.  That’s a great thing. But it’s worrisome. too. The conversations – and the events – are raging like wildfire on terrain that is utterly unfamiliar. Could we think about some guidelines to keep things as fair and truthful as possible? Some considerations to help us generate more light and less heat?

Here are four possibilities:

  1. Accusations should not be anonymous. We should do everything we can (I’m looking at you, fellow journalists) to encourage the people who make sexual harassment accusations to do so under their own names. This honors a longtime journalistic commitment to render information verifiable and to prevent people from harming others with impunity. It’s a good rule for society to follow more broadly. There will be exceptions on this difficult topic (several women making credible claims together anonymously against a very powerful public man?) but the fewer the exceptions, the more progress we’ll make. The fact that so many women have been willing to go on the record lately is an enormous part of why we are where we are today.
  1. Not all sins are equivalent. The term sexual harassment seems to be stretching to cover an awful lot of ground: From a wink and a whistle, through an uncomfortable conversation or an unwelcome kiss, to an erection pressed against you, having your breasts grabbed or a hand thrown under your skirt – all the way up to sexual assault. Throwing all offenders together is unfair and inaccurate. It is essential that we get as close as we can to the truth of each report, uncomfortable as the details may be.

Continue reading Can we have a better sexual-harassment conversation?

  1. Consider a statute of limitations for minor offenses. A guy who brushed his hand against you in the wrong place 30 years ago may still be messing around years later, or he may not be. You didn’t report it then, times have changed, the culture has changed. Sharing experiences (as in the #metoo social media exchanges lately) is valuable in raising awareness about how common harassment is. But an expiration date for shining the light individually on a man whose sins are minor and lost in time may be in order.
  1. Men need to help in sorting all this out. This is surely not just a women’s issue; in fact, it’s really much more of a men’s issue. That these conversations are happening is great, but they can’t be just among women. We’ll all be much better off with men involved.

(I should note here that I do understand that men prey on men, women on women and some women on men. I’m employing language that is too narrow. But I’ll leave that guideline for someone else’s contribution.)

How the media lost the public’s trust — and how they’ll earn it back

(Note: I wrote this post for LinkedIn, with whom I did a video interview on these topics)

A tangle of questions troubles journalists these days: Why are we so distrusted? Can we survive the loss of the advertising that supports us? How do we stand up against the control that behemoths like Facebook and Google have over our futures? And what do we do about the growing assaults on truth telling from bots and hackers, viral deception and foreign meddling – let alone our own president?

I want to add this to the tangle: How can we bring these questions to you? And how can we bring you into the discussions? I want to do this because I worry that, unless journalism matters to the people it exists to serve, it may not exist at all for long. So, if you think that being able to count on a fundamentally reliable supply of information in the public interest is critical to you and to our democracy, here are four things I’d ask you to think about:

  1. Journalists increasingly (I could add, belatedly) understand that we need to do a better job of serving the public’s needs. There are scores of efforts underway to get at the question of how to win the public trust. Some are focused on being more transparent or more inclusive of different viewpoints and voices. Others emphasize listening better and engaging with their communities in creating the news. There is a recommitment to ensuring that journalism is fair, balanced, verifiable and proportional, as well as a new awareness that we must focus not just on what goes wrong, but on the equally newsworthy (and hope-inspiring) things that go right. Perhaps most important, there is a growing understanding that we must direct our fast dwindling resources toward watchdogging government and business, probing the dark corners of poverty and injustice, and providing the basic information needed for effective citizenship.
  2. You – Mr. and Ms. Public – also have a responsibility, one that is unfamiliar to most: to be the curators of your own media diet. Until recently, news simply came to you (for free or cheaply), and you received it. Nobody felt the need to teach her kid how to be mindful of seeking the balanced diet that would produce civic health, choosing what was best for her, demanding better when it didn’t satisfy. Now that the top-down model is gone, it’s little wonder that we live in a chaotic world of half-truths and worse, or that we have trouble figuring out what information came from where — whether the author was a trustworthy source or a kid in Macedonia making a buck off our gullibility. All of us now shape our common news world through the choices we make about what to read or watch or view – and about what we write or share or like. But few of us understand how potent that responsibility is.
  3. If news is going to survive, it will be because the public views it as a civic good, a democratic necessity, and thus is willing to support it. We know that education is essential to a self-governing people, so we fund public schools. We know that human beings need art, so we pony up for admission. Our journalism has long been paid for by advertisers – you, the reader/viewer/listener were the product, not the customer, which made things run effectively but also had some unfortunate aspects, such as disconnecting journalists from readers. Now that advertising tied to news is collapsing, and unlikely ever to return to its previously vigorous state, someone is going to have to pay for this often costly thing that is original journalism. Philanthropy has a role (community foundations, for example, as well as wealthy individuals), and we are already seeing it come into play. But I am convinced that the best journalism will be the journalism that is supported in substantial part by those whom it serves.
  4. Journalists’ failures, and the public’s obliviousness to the challenges, have contributed to the parlous state of news today. But there are other potent forces arrayed against the public’s ability to receive a reliable and fair-minded news report. Powerful critics, backed by individuals of enormous wealth who feel inconvenienced by a free and independent press, seek to weaken it. Intrusions from other nations, as well as individuals making money off falsehoods and deceptions, thrive in the largely human-judgment-free zones of our social-media platforms. Facebook and Google may at long last have acknowledged that they are indeed in the business of providing information – along with the viral deception that infests it – but their responses to date are baby steps. Meanwhile, they sap advertising from traditional journalism organizations, and strip them of their ability to project their own brands – a huge challenge to building trust (not to mention to building an economic model). Extremist publications, poor in truth but rich in demagoguery, render the essential democratic necessity of coming together around common facts a near impossibility. These forces, arrayed against the time-honored notion that “the truth will out,” are not sufficiently understood. And they are far from being adequately addressed.

It’s clear that Americans widely distrust institutions generally, and media organizations in particular. And we seem intent on dividing bitterly along partisan lines, putting our faith (such as it is) in different news sources. So maybe an appeal to join in a common effort seems doomed. But I’m talking about something well beyond today’s dissatisfying landscape. What if you truly felt that there was no source of information that you could rely on to sort fact from fiction? No one to turn to, in a disaster, to find out what really happened? No source you trusted to certify a quote, or a death toll, or determine whether your city council had passed a law that will change your life?

Such a situation is far from unimaginable today. Indeed, I think I can see it on the horizon. And the main thing standing between now and that looming possibility is whether the public begins to see it, too.

 

Journalism failed us badly. Here’s how.

People will be parsing this election for years to come. Here’s one thing I know: Journalism failed us badly. Since we are going to need good journalism more than ever in the days ahead, I offer some thoughts about what went wrong:

  1. The bottomless well of Trump coverage early on. This is mostly attributable to cable, but it was true of television more broadly, and it influenced print and online media as well.

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I included this chart from the New York Times in my March 28 blogpost: A tough test for Journalism and the Midterm Grades Aren’t Good.

As the Times story said, “Over the course of the campaign, he has earned close to $2 billion worth of media attention, about twice the all-in price of the most expensive presidential campaigns in history. It is also twice the estimated $746 million that Hillary Clinton, the next best at earning media, took in.”

Of this development, CBS Chairman Les Moonves famously said: “It may not be good for America, but it’s damn good for CBS.”  Here’s what else he said: “Man, who would have expected the ride we’re all having right now? The money’s rolling in and this is fun. I’ve never seen anything like this, and this going to be a very good year for us. Sorry. It’s a terrible thing to say. But, bring it on, Donald. Keep going.”

He did. So did they.

Continue reading Journalism failed us badly. Here’s how.

  1. Near abandonment of issues coverage.

A Harvard study by Tom Patterson, released in late September, looked at 10 major news outlets, including the New York Times. It concluded that “substantive policy issues have received only a small amount of attention so far in the 2016 election coverage.”

Another study, released in late October, looked at the networks’ news coverage to determine how much of it concerned issues:

Total ABC CBS NBC
1988 117 36 40 42
1992 210 112 38 60
1996 98 29 53 17
2000 130 45 39 46
2004 203 40 119 44
2008 220 41 119 66
2012 114 13 70 32
2016 (YTD) 32 8 16 8

(Andrew Tyndall 10/25/16)

“With just two weeks to go, issues coverage this year has been virtually non-existent. Of the 32 minutes total, terrorism (17 mins) and foreign policy (7 mins) towards the Middle East (Israel-ISIS-Syria-Iraq) have attracted some attention. Gay rights, immigration and policing have been mentioned in passing.

“No trade, no healthcare, no climate change, no drugs, no poverty, no guns, no infrastructure, no deficits. To the extent that these issues have been mentioned, it has been on the candidates’ terms, not on the networks’ initiative.”

 

  1. Data journalism gone haywire.

The Times’s Nate Cohn may have no regrets, as per this tweet:

Nate Cohn@Nate_Cohn Nov 10 Most of our journalism this year was about how people were ignoring the importance of white working class to Dem chances. I have no regrets

But something surely went wrong, since virtually everyone else in the world was in shock, no matter where they stood politically.

As Nick Bilton put it: “Every big-data, number-crunching Web site, from Nate Silver’s FiveThirtyEight to The New York Times’ Upshot; every poll, from Fox to Bloomberg to Rasmussen, had predictions that were so off that it now seems surreal. And while we now all have to swallow the noxious potion that is President Trump, the chaser is that polling is completely and utterly broken.”

 

4. False equivalence. And more false equivalence. And more…

As in: They’re both unpopular. They both tell lies — no matter how vastly different the proportions:

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Ethan Coen’s sarcasm in his “thank you notes” in the Times rang painfully close to how the stories read:

“You balanced Donald Trump’s proposal that the military execute the innocent families of terrorists, against Hillary’s emails. You balanced pot-stirring racist lies about President Obama’s birth, against Hillary’s emails. You balanced a religious test at our borders, torture by our military, jokes about assassination, unfounded claims of a rigged election, boasts about groping and paradoxical threats to sue anyone who confirmed the boasts, against Hillary’s emails. You balanced endorsement of nuclear proliferation, against Hillary’s emails. You balanced tirelessly, indefatigably; you balanced, you balanced, and then you balanced some more.”

The Times’s columnists tried to tell ‘em so:

“I know some (many) journalists are busy denying responsibility, but this is absurd, and I think they know it,” said Paul Krugman in “The Falsity of False Equivalence.”

And Nick Kristof:  “Of course we should cover Clinton’s sins, but when the public believes that a mythomaniac like Trump is the straight shooter, we owe it to ourselves and the country to wrestle with knotty questions of false equivalence.”

The primary response came from the then fairly new public editor, Liz Spayd, in an exceptionally weak column, urging Times journalists not to be intimidated by the false balance charge.

They weren’t.

Does this kind of flawed journalism happen because a news organization wants to avoid driving away the right?  Did it make for more interesting stories?  Did it seem harmless, because Clinton was sure to win?

The New York Times — this newspaper on which I depend (as is evident in this post), and which leads much of the other news coverage in America — is deeply implicated here. It is perhaps the most important news outlet in the country, one of the most important in the world, and it must be better than this.  A statement from its publisher and  executive editor, after the election said this:

“As we reflect on the momentous result, and the months of reporting and polling that preceded it, we aim to rededicate ourselves to the fundamental mission of Times journalism. That is to report America and the world honestly, without fear or favor, striving always to understand and reflect all political perspectives and life experiences in the stories that we bring to you. It is also to hold power to account, impartially and unflinchingly. You can rely on The New York Times to bring the same fairness, the same level of scrutiny, the same independence to our coverage of the new president and his team.”

Rededication? Yes.  “Same level?” Please, no.

 

  1. My fifth point moves beyond traditional, legacy news operations, which are no longer the gatekeepers that they were (though I believe firmly that their power continues to matter sufficiently to worry deeply about how they conduct themselves).

Organizations like Google and Facebook make decisions that have enormous power over what Americans know and believe. Outrage over the fake stories that proliferated during this campaign is finally being recognized by these reluctant corporations.

It’s a step, albeit a belated and limited one. And one reason it’s belated and limited is this, as one employee told Gizmodo about Facebook: “They absolutely have the tools to shut down fake news,” said the source, who asked to remain anonymous citing fear of retribution from the company. The source added, “there was a lot of fear about upsetting conservatives after Trending Topics,” and that “a lot of product decisions got caught up in that.”  (Some things, new and old media share.)

 

After every election, we agonize about journalism’s coverage. But this one feels bigger, the stakes higher. Legacy media still matter. The choices they make will affect our future, just as they affected this election. They are searching for economic survival in a Wild West of media change. My conviction is that, if they distinguish themselves by being trustworthy and fair-minded, dedicated to the truth as close as they can determine it, committed to purveying news that is proportional and comprehensive — well, that will be their best chance of survival.

Ours, too.

 

 

 

 

More lessons from civic journalism for today’s disengaged media

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Democracy Fund has published a white paper I wrote: “How to Best Serve Communities: Reflections on Civic Journalism.”  I conclude that “today’s engaged journalism, civic journalism’s replacement in this digital age, enjoys an utterly different environment from the one that confronted civic journalists — one in which disruption prevails, change is the new constant, and innovation is seen, almost universally, as essential. The contemporary movement is landing on far more fertile terrain.”

DF’s Paul Waters blogged about it here, saying:  “Our belief is that this reorientation of local journalism towards engaged journalism is critical to fostering a thriving journalism landscape and a more engaged democracy.”

Civic Journalism, Engaged Journalism: Tracing the Connections

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By Geneva Overholser / 2016 August 3rd

“Want to attract more readers? Try listening to them.” That’s the headline on Liz Spayd’s debut as the New York Times’ new public editor. That she devoted her first column to the need to pay attention to readers’ views shows how central the idea of engagement has become for journalists.

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Please see article as published by the Democracy Fund.

 

 

At the Rumble in the Jungle — and hanging with Ali

Here was a heavyweight fight for the ages, and I was sitting in the second row. It was 4 a.m. in Kinshasa – timed to suit American television viewers – on October 30, 1974, and the sweat of George Foreman and Muhammad Ali was hitting me directly in the face.

The then-president of Zaire (now the Democratic Republic of Congo). Mobutu Sese Seko, had lured the two to Kinshasa to help put his country on the map. It worked. I was a few weeks into a two-year stay in Kinshasa when the famous began to arrive: entertainers like B. B. King and Miriam Makeba, writers like George Plimpton, Hunter Thompson and Norman Mailer.

And of course the fighters themselves. Ali had beaten Foreman to Zaire, and quickly worked his charm on the people. He got off the plane, bent to kiss the ground, and declared himself “Glad to be in the land of the brother.” By the time Foreman flew in, the waiting crowd was already yelling, “Ali, boma ye!” (“Kill him, Ali!”).

Then a sparring partner cut Foreman above his eye, and the fight was postponed for six weeks. Foreman was reclusive, but Ali often left his villa to go running, and occasionally to hang out at café/bars – even a couple of times with a few of us teachers from the American School of Kinshasa. We’d drink that good Belgian beer (Ali drank Orange Fanta) and talk about things back home. One day, Ali stopped the conversation to complain that the delay was dragging on too long. “To hell with the land of the brother,” he said to us. “Take me back to the land of the MUTHAH!”

The main thing I remember about the fight itself is that what Ali called his rope-a-dope technique meant that he was regularly leaning back over the ropes above us, taking hit after hit. And I remember feeling astonished at how he seemed to surge with strength at the moment he knocked out Foreman, the heavy favorite and the reigning champion.

After the fight we went back to the Intercontinental Hotel, where most of the visiting foreigners had been staying. The postponement  had had everyone fearing for weeks that the outdoor fight would have to be cancelled because of the imminent arrival of the rainy season (rains in Zaire are rains of a different order). But the season had held off – until just after the fight.  As we gathered for the after-party in the Intercontinental’s courtyard, the winds swept in, the palms swayed, and thunder and lightning were loosed.

It was this Intercontinental bar that had been the journalists’ hangout – especially Plimpton’s and Mailer’s.  Over the weeks, I’d had a couple of rounds with Mailer, thumb wrestling and talking about writing. One night, I gave him some pieces I’d written. The next time I saw him, he told me my problem was that I was too “protean.” I wasn’t sure what he meant, but he was exactly right. The Rumble in the Jungle was one ineradicable memory in a rich and scattered life.

The Media Revolution: What It Means for You

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As part of the University at Buffalo’s International Education Week, I gave a keynote address about what’s happening in the media world today — what we’re losing, what we’re gaining, and what the students ought to do about it.  I urged the students to “seize the opportunity to make contributions.  And take responsibility for the contributions you make.”

Here is the text:

University at Buffalo, International Education week, November 2015

“The Media Revolution: What It Means for You”

It’s a pleasure for me to be here as part of International Education Week. And I’m especially delighted that you have made media your focus. Nothing could be more essential to an understanding of this fast-globalizing world than media.

You know, we say that we are what we eat. More generally, we are what we consume. And that surely goes for media. Our media diet, like our food diet, shapes us every day – for good and for ill. If we select wisely, we nourish ourselves and contribute to good health. If we choose junk, we pay for it. Moreover, our society pays for it. Just as the nation’s health and economy are affected when people eat poorly, our democracy is undermined when people fail to nourish their understanding of the world around them. A government of the people, by the people and for the people is only as good as the thinking and participation OF the people. A democracy of know-nothings will get what it deserves: poor public policy, an inability to progress, a loss of international standing. You, individually, are part of the recipe for good health – for yourself, and for the society of which you are a part.

Continue reading The Media Revolution: What It Means for You

I want to say right up front that it used to be much easier to have a balanced media diet. You turned on the evening news. You picked up the newspaper. Other people did the collecting and the selecting for you. With minimal effort, you could keep up with what was happening in your community, your state, your nation, around the world. You could go to the polls with an understanding of what your candidate stood for.

 

We no longer have that top-down media model, and educating yourself has become harder. The opportunity exists to be BETTER informed than ever before, but more of the burden is on you – on each of us. Because we are putting together our own media diet, making it up for ourselves out of countless numbers of sources – a cacophony of information that runs the gamut from useless to reliable, from base to inspiriting. That’s why I’m here to talk to you this afternoon about the fast-changing world of media – what’s disappearing, what is being born, what that means to our society, and what you should do about it.

 

 

Let us begin by noting that we are in the middle of a great revolution in information. Many have said that it is comparable to the Gutenberg Revolution – when the invention of the printing press made it possible, for the first time, for information to come directly into the hands of the multitudes. For the past 500 years, that has remained true – but for most of that time, the information was expensive to assemble and produce, and therefore remained in the hands of institutions – book publishers, media organizations, governments. Thus it was that the great press critic A. J. Liebling said that “freedom of the press belongs to those who own one.” But now, thanks to new technology, EVERYBODY owns a press. And now, thanks to social media, each of us has a limitless, unmediated space for communicating with one another.

 

This is exciting stuff, indeed. But before we dwell on its many benefits, we should think briefly about what we are losing. The institutions overturned by that revolution – the powerful daily newspaper, the near-monopoly enjoyed by your local television newscast: These organizations brought people together in a common body of knowledge. These institutions gave us three square meals of information without our having to put them together.

 

You know how people speak of a free press as the cornerstone of democracy? Well, that free press as we know it in the United States has seen its economic foundations broken into smithereens. Because of the fractionalization of people’s attention, the advertising model that paid for journalism no longer does so, and the results are dramatic. Let’s look specifically at newspapers, which used to get 80 to 85 percent of their revenues from advertising, but have been seeing drastic declines for years. According to the American Society of News Editors, there has been an almost 40 percent drop in newsroom employment at daily newspapers in this country over the last decade — from 54,100 to 32,900 today. That is a lot of reporters, editors and photographers, gone. That’s a lot of eyeballs no longer focused on your city hall or your local police force. That’s a lot of prisons, nursing homes and regulatory agencies no longer being investigated.

 

This dramatic downsizing of traditional newsrooms, we should note, does NOT mean the disappearance of newspapers. Indeed, more people are consuming what those shrinking newsrooms produce than ever before. But many are reading online, or on mobile devices, and that is not bringing in anywhere near the revenue the print newspaper long produced.

 

Meanwhile, digital ad revenue is growing – though nowhere near as fast as people once hoped it would. And the traditional news media are not getting much of that revenue. According to Pew research, in 2014, “five technology companies took in half of all display ad revenue, with Facebook alone accounting for 24 percent.”

 

As legacy media struggle to keep up with the revolution’s effects on their economic underpinnings, they are beginning (belatedly) to make changes in the way they relate to their readers and viewers and listeners – or, what has come to be known as “the people formerly known as the audience.” They are beginning to recognize the importance of community engagement, to collaborate with other organizations in ways that once were unheard of, to use social-media tools, to work with data, and to be interactive.

 

Network news viewership has actually been climbing slightly but steadily in recent years (although cable is struggling with substantial declines). Online radio listening is booming, with podcasts leading the way. It’s taken a long time, but legacy media are at last finding their way into a new world. We should, in my view, hope that they will continue to play a key role, for they remain essential – particularly in arenas such as local and state government coverage, watchdog and investigative reporting.

 

 

 

Now let’s look for a minute at what we have gained – or appear to be gaining – from this revolution.

 

The key development is that news is no longer a top-down stream from one organization to the multitudes. It’s now a multi-point system in which each individual – that includes you and me – plays important roles as both consumer and contributor.

 

There are, of course, still some principal actors, many of them fairly new. While legacy media revenues are drying up, cash is pouring into digital media companies like Vice, Buzzfeed, Vox and Gawker, which are also seeing enormous growth in their traffic. Some such sites may have begun with an emphasis on cat photos or “listicles” – articles made up primarily of lists, which are eye candy for most folks. But, happily, we are seeing a number of these sites move toward substantial news, including, in many cases, reporting abroad. These developments seem promising for national and international information in the public interest.

 

A bigger challenge is local reporting. Digital-native local-news sites have struggled with revenue-generation. Few have been able to figure it out. Many have given up; others plow on, with little profit in sight.

 

State reporting, too, has posed a challenge, though there is happy recent news in Politico’s opening of bureaus in the state capitals of New Jersey and Florida – with a reported “dream” of doing the same in every state.

 

In addition to the more familiar reporting models, there are new ways of reaching the public with important information. For example, consider the fact that it was on Medium — a “platisher,” meaning both platform and publisher – that the White House posted this year’s State of the Union speech before giving it to the press.

 

There are also many interesting new things happening in the arena called “civic tech,” which emphasizes tools that foster government transparency and civic engagement. There are tools that enable you to find out much more easily than before what’s going on in your local city council or state legislature. You can research crimes in your neighborhood, or report potholes to your local council member. You can track the progress of a bill in Congress or check the vote of your state representative. You can fact check a candidates’ debate and figure out who has donated what to a politician.

 

An organization called Code for America is seeking to make government documents more understandable. A tool called NextRequest helps streamline the public records request process. Some government agencies (though not enough, and not quickly enough) are beginning to present their own information more effectively to citizens, making government processes more open, and government data more easily understood and useful.

 

An especially significant development, of course, is that we – the people formerly known as the audience – are now also creators of content. We are all mobile and global, producing videos, sharing photos and links, vibrantly interacting with one another.

 

All of these changes mean that, when news breaks, what happens next is very different. Little more than a decade ago, we would have had to tune in at just the right time to see coverage on television, or wait until the next morning’s newspaper to read about the event in-depth.

 

Today, virtually instantaneous reports of the event are on Twitter and Facebook and other social media, enabling us to see video and hear audio. Live streaming gives us official reactions. People around the world take to social media to see what their friends have to say, and to express their own views.

 

But along with all this opportunity for good, this Wild West media world has created opportunities, also, for ill. There are fabrications and false reports. There is cyber bullying. There is appallingly prevalent hate speech on some social media platforms. And, sadly, the promise of democratization that the birth of the Web seemed to offer has not come about. Instead, we seem to be replicating online the old-media dominance by the white, the male and the wealthy.

 

Before we talk about what all of us can do to extend the gifts of this revolution and to counter its ills, I want to broaden the lens for a moment.

 

 

Let us look, just briefly, at what is happening globally.

 

We citizens of the United States can be woefully inward-looking. We tend, far too often, to think that we’re the ones inventing everything, and that we’re the best at all of it. That is a view that is utterly inaccurate, and one that robs us of the opportunity to learn from others.

 

A few years ago, when I was working in the Washington bureau of the Missouri School of Journalism, I held an annual symposium at the National Press Club on a topic connected with public affairs journalism. One of the best was the year that I invited people from various countries around the world to share their experiences in arenas where they were considerably more advanced than we were.

 

One speaker came from Accra, Ghana, from a radio station called “Joy FM” – an extremely lively news organization that was playing a central role in Ghana’s vibrant civic life. As I mentioned earlier, radio has been booming lately in the United States, but that came more recently. And the interactive role that Joy played in radio in those days was eye-opening for our audience, because it was uncommon here at that time.

 

Radio continues to be the primary news source in Africa – accounting for over 70 percent of the delivery of news across the continent, according to an Afrobarometer survey this year. But what is interesting now is that mobile Internet adoption in Africa is taking place at almost double the average rate in the rest of the world – resulting in remarkable advances in education, health and politics. IBM’s 2014 global consumer survey confirms that the percentage of Internet users in the three African countries it surveyed were among the highest of all the nations it looked at. Quoting from the survey: “In South Africa and Nigeria, instant messaging has become the number one channel to communicate with each other; in Kenya social networking is the number one communication channel. In fact, Africans are probably leading the major shift to mobile Internet use, with social media as its main drivers. Mobile broadband penetration is still low, but has by far the highest growth rate worldwide.

Interestingly, African news organizations are sending headlines out as text messages – a practice that African governments find hard to block, while blocking radio is easy.

 

Another speaker in my program came from Sweden, where something that is looked upon with aversion here, is embraced as good public policy: That is, public financial support for media. Smaller communities in isolated parts of Sweden are guaranteed continued high-quality sources of information even where it is not commercially viable – supported in part by a fee levied on television and radio sets. Sweden understands something that we do not seem to be able to see in this country – that public funding for media does NOT have to mean state CONTROL of media. Various forms of public support for media exist in many countries with a vibrant free press – including Australia, Belgium, Canada, Denmark, Finland, France, Germany, Ireland, Japan, The Netherlands, New Zealand, Norway, Sweden, and the United Kingdom. If they can all figure it out, why can’t we?

 

Back at the National Press Club, we also had a speaker from Canada. Every province in Canada requires media education in its curriculum, and they’ve done so for many years. Our speaker, an academic who has studied the matter, joked that one reason the requirement came into being was to protect Canadians against everything flowing across the border from its overbearing neighbor to the south! But the real point is that Canada had come to understand something that we very much need to understand, too – now more than ever, with the media world in revolution. And that is, that citizens need to be educated to consume and create media with discernment and understanding.

 

I want to talk bit more about media literacy, as we look at what you and I can do in this new media environment. But let me make two more quick points about the international scene.

 

We should note that there is, in many places around the world, a great deal of violence against journalists. According to the Committee to Protect Journalists, 1,150 journalists have been killed since 1992 – 46 already so far this year. Another 221 journalists were imprisoned last year. Countries like North Korea, Eritrea and Saudi Arabia continue to be black holes of information, and in places like Syria and the Philippines, doing the work of journalism can be a living hell.

 

Finally, you might be surprised to find where our own nation ranks in a listing of nations around the world based on their degree of press freedom. The most recent Reporters Without Borders ranked us, out of 180 nations – are you ready for the ranking? Not one or two, not 10 or 20 – the U.S. came in at number 49 out of 180. This ranking is due to pressure on reporters to reveal sources, aggressive prosecution of journalists, legal attacks on leakers, and hacking and surveillance of journalists.

 

There is work to do here at home, as well as abroad, to ensure that professional journalists can continue to make the contributions that remain essential in this fast-changing world of media.

 

 

Okay, so: What should we be doing about all this?

 

As we have seen, the news used to come our way in a reliably regular (if more limited) fashion. We got the basics if we just picked up the paper or turned on the TV. We didn’t have to worry about how to select it; it was curated. We didn’t pay much for it, either; advertising did.

 

Now, a much bigger supply of information is available to us, and a much wider variety, as well. But the consumer’s job has grown harder and harder, as fewer and fewer people do pick up the paper or turn on the TV news. Those sources are still available, but they are being diminished because the advertising that used to pay for them no longer relies on being connected to content. Now we can get news in countless places, but it’s up to us to curate it. We can be more widely and more deeply informed than ever – or we can know only what people who think exactly like us know. And that can mean, very little indeed.

 

So here is the counsel I would offer:

 

Remember that, as your own curator, you will be as healthy as the nourishment you choose to consume. That means you must be discerning about it. Seek opportunities to understand media better. When you find information online, consider where it came from. Go to the “about” section and see who funded the site, and what its goals and intentions are. Consider, for example that opinion can surely be as valuable as news. But opinion masquerading as news is deception. Be clear about what you are looking at.

 

Some people seem to believe everything they read on the Web, and some – at the opposite end of the spectrum – seem convinced that they can’t believe anything. Neither, of course, is true. I was once at an event where the veteran newscaster Marvin Kalb looked in amazement at new-media guru Jeff Jarvis, asking Jeff, “Do you actually BELIEVE what you see on the Web?” “Marvin,” said Jeff, “that’s like saying, ‘do you BELIEVE what you hear on the telephone?’ It’s just a tool, said Jeff. It all depends on who is saying it.

 

But if the Web is just a tool, it is a very powerful one, and one we could all use help in figuring out. There are many sources of this kind of help, from media-literacy courses in universities and communities to simpler offerings such as On the Media’s “Breaking News Consumer’s Handbook,” which you can find online. It has a handy little guide that it suggests you cut out and tape near your computer. Here’s a sampling of that guide:

 

“1. In the immediate aftermath, news outlets will get it wrong. 2. Don’t trust anonymous sources. “ Also, “Look for news outlets close to the incident.” ”Compare multiple sources.” “Big news brings out the fakers. And photoshoppers.” And, my favorite – “Beware reflexive retweeting. Some of this is on you.”

 

It is also on you to think about whether you’re allowing a wide range of views into your diet. Are you following only the news that friends are sending you? Is it cast entirely in terms that you agree with? Are you learning, and challenging yourself? It is VERY easy to be lulled into narrow notions of the world – and, even worse, to be taken in by urban myths, or seduced by conspiracy theories. If it sounds too remarkable to be true, it probably is. Check it out.

 

And remember this: You are rewarding responsible producers of news and information when you click on their stories: You click; they get paid.

 

 

Just as what you consume matters, so does what you contribute. What YOU say, or link to, or send photos or videos of, matters – again, for good and for ill. What you create is the face you present to the world. Think about it. You are building a record. You are also shaping the debate – informing, or degrading, the public dialogue.

 

Seize the opportunity to make contributions. And take responsibility for the contributions you MAKE.

 

 

In closing, I want to say that I personally am very enthusiastic about this new world that the revolution is giving us.

 

Sure, I’m worried about the future of professional journalism, because its continuation is an essential element of the information universe. But I am also aware that we have the opportunity now, because of all the tools we have been discussing, to IMPROVE on what legacy media have done.

 

Consider, for example, that three-fourths of African-American news consumers and two-thirds of Hispanics have doubts about the trustworthiness of media report about their communities, according to a survey released last year by the Media Insight Project.

 

That must change, and you can help see that it does. We must create safe spaces for new ideas to be heard, for unpopular opinions to be voiced. We must ensure that ALL of us – women, people of color, the poor – are able to shape public policy, and able to work together to bring about a more just society.

 

I love that you have, as part of this week’s activities, the Dear World project. Reading about it –– an interactive photo shoot that celebrates the diversity and energy of the campus and highlights the message that there is much more that brings us together than keeps us apart – this is inspiring. You’ll be sharing your stories, focusing on international students, celebrating the differences and commonalities among us. Celebrating creativity.

 

This kind of thinking, and the world of ideas of which you are a part at this university – all of this is providing you with a terrific foundation to be the citizen consumer and creator that YOU are becoming.

 

Thank you, and I look forward to your questions and comments.

 

 

 

 

 

Changing the discussion about the future of journalism: speech text

Below is the text of a speech I delivered at Florida International University University yesterday.  You can find a Storify look at the event here — and a video soon will be archived there as well. Video and text will also be available through FIU and the Lillian Lodge Kopenhaver Center sites.

Leading from the Outside: Rethinking Journalism Leadership When Change is the New Normal

Good afternoon. Thank you, Dean Reis, for that warm introduction. And special thanks to the Lillian Lodge Kopenhaver Center – and to Lillian herself, for bringing me here. I am honored indeed to be part of your Hearst Distinguished Lecture Series.

I hope to present to you today the much-discussed topic of the future of journalism in a very different way.

My goal is to sketch out for you a media future that offers real promise to make our world a better place. A media future that could make informing ourselves more compelling, that could engage people in civic life and nourish our communities. It could make people believe in the possibilities of self-government, and cause them to feel hopeful about the future of our democracy.

Continue reading Changing the discussion about the future of journalism: speech text

No doubt this sounds like a fantasy. The fabric of our society seems badly torn these days, and our government virtually paralyzed by divisiveness and obstructionism.

I believe that it is within our power to have a very different kind of conversation, drawing upon the technological and social media advances available to us today. And I think that the single thing that would make this happy result most likely, would be a true democratization of media, both within traditional institutions and for the public more broadly. A media that looked and sounded like our society – ALL of our society — would change the conversation. If our journalism, our movies, our television shows, our blogs – even our advertising and public relations – if all of our media looked like America looks, we’d have a different civic dialogue. Things that now seem impossible to discuss would gradually become discussable. Divisions that seem unbridgeable would begin – not easily, not quickly, but they would BEGIN — to be bridged.

 

First, let us take a moment to see how the media DO look today:

(Brief commentary here on slides showing underrepresentation of women and people of color in newspapers, wire services, television leadership, movies, internet outlets and tech and social media companies. See these — and more — at http://www.womensmediacenter.com/pages/2015-statistics)

Judy VanSlyke Turk, whom many of you know, has done terrific work, funded by the Lillian Lodge Kopenhaver Center for the Advancement of Women in Communication. This is a benchmark study on the Status of Women in Communication, looking across multiple disciplines to provide a broad perspective. Given that understanding a challenge is the first essential step toward addressing it, this important work will be critical to moving forward on these issues.

 

And now — WHY do the media look this way?

Well, as we all know, it’s complicated. Let’s address this first in regard to the legacy media – the traditional institutions — and then look at the still emerging, wild-west world of technology and social media.

For traditional journalism outlets, I’d say the simplest and broadest explanation of the underrepresentation of women and people of color is that the people who do the hiring tend to self-replicate. They look out over the possible candidates, and they spot those who remind them of themselves when they were young. “Now THERE is a promising young talent”, they think to themselves. They fish in the pools in which they grew up. The fact is, we all find comfort in assembling around us people like ourselves. And we promote, as leaders, people who have the same leadership skills that we recognize in ourselves.

The problem is that this is a recipe not for growth and vitality, but for narrowness and risk aversion. That’s the main reason the media look so lopsided.

Another very important reason for underrepresentation, particularly of women, is work-life balance (or, more accurately, IMbalance). Back in the late 1960s and early 1970s, feminists fought for (or this is what I have always felt we fought for) equal rights, equal opportunities and shared responsibilities. The hope was that, when the revolution ended, women would have the same opportunities in the workplace as men did, and that women and men would share equally in the responsibilities at home. But we got stuck halfway through that revolution. We got the work, and not the balance. As women have entered the workplace in ever growing numbers, leaving no one at home to do the equally necessary work of caring for home and family, things have actually gotten tougher on everyone. Time spent on the job has risen across the board. A study released this year by the Harvard Business School showed that, in 1975, the average annual number of hours worked was 1,394. By 2013, it was 1,711.

Clearly this is an unsustainable situation, hard on children, difficult for marriages, a death knell for personal development. And far too often, it’s portrayed as a problem caused by women. (There’s a long history of this, dating back to the pre-feminist years. Margaret Sanger, the mother of birth control in this country, gave an interview to Mike Wallace. He asked her, “Could it be that women in the United States have become too independent – that they followed the lead of women like Margaret Sanger by neglecting family life for a career?” That was 1957. The blame has kept coming ever since.)

But there is good news on this front. A Pew Research Center study in 2013 showed that about the same number of fathers as mothers reporting having a hard time balancing work and family life – with fathers saying even more frequently than mothers that they wished they could spend more time with their kids.

And, just a couple of weeks ago, a report showed that men are increasingly suing employers for failing to accommodate their role as fathers. Joan C. Williams, a University of California Hastings College of Law professor put it this way: “The huge thing that’s changed only in about the past five years is suddenly men feel entitled to take time off for families. They’re willing to put their careers on the line to live up to that idea. It’s revolutionary.”

But what would REALLY be revolutionary would be if social and corporate policies were changing as quickly as people’s lives have changed. Instead, we see the pleas for family leave, flexible schedules, more widely available and reasonably priced child care and other such measures, set forth decade after decade, each time with an undertone of resigned understanding: Such accommodations to the new reality have happened in virtually every other industrialized society, yet they seem unlikely to happen here any time soon.

I believe this is partly – maybe even substantially — the media’s fault. What we have is a tradition-bound, largely negatively focused media that too often fails to recognize the possibility of change. And I believe that the primary reason for that is that journalism’s leaders have never embraced the inclusion of all Americans.

Many have written about how our media leach us of hope. Just a few days ago, New York Times columnist Nicholas Kristof wrote: “We journalists are a bit like vultures, feasting on war, scandal and disaster. Turn on the news, and you see Syrian refugees, Volkswagen corruption, dysfunctional government.

“Yet that reflects a selection bias in how we report the news: We cover planes that crash, not planes that take off. Indeed, maybe the most important thing happening in the world today is something that we almost never cover: a stunning decline in poverty, illiteracy and disease.”

Kristof notes that: “One survey found that two-thirds of Americans believed that the proportion of the world population living in extreme poverty has almost doubled over the last 20 years. Another 29 percent believed that the proportion had remained roughly the same.

“That’s 95 percent of Americans — who are utterly wrong. In fact, the proportion of the world’s population living in extreme poverty hasn’t doubled or remained the same. It has fallen by more than half, from 35 percent in 1993 to 14 percent in 2011 (the most recent year for which figures are available from the World Bank).”

I believe that we have an outdated mode of journalism, one that is wrong for the times we live in. This is especially true of that all-important kind of journalism that we call political reporting. I came of age myself as a cub reporter in the years of Watergate, and I understand the lure – and indeed the importance – of having a press that can bring down a president. Ferreting out corruption, and shining a spotlight on it, remains one essential goal of a free press. But we became so enamored of topple-the-mighty journalism that we forgot about raise-up-the-people journalism. We became so focused on exposing what’s wrong that we’ve damn near convinced people that nothing can go right. Our spirit-crushing political coverage is hooked on scandal, riddled with anonymous accusations and awash in acid-drip commentary. Nine parts terrier-with-a-bone to one part useful information, it cements us in a status quo of grim futility.

I don’t want to let anyone forget that good journalism requires skepticism. But today’s cynicism is the face of an old, worn-out model. What political journalists are covering, of course, is a culture that is itself so cynical that it affords plenty of opportunity. But a cynical press covering a cynical political process is a most unpalatable closed circle, and our democracy is suffering mightily from it.

How can we have hope when we see failure everywhere? How do we overcome biases when they are constantly reinforced? How can we imagine inclusion when EXclusion defines what we watch and listen to? A study by the American Press Institute and the Associated Press-NORC Center for Public Affairs Research last year found that 33 percent of Hispanics believe the news media accurately portray their communities. Among African-Americans, 25 percent see their communities as accurately portrayed.

These complaints are not new. Almost 50 years ago, something very important happened in this country, as a result of social unrest that convulsed cities across the nation. A body that we call the Kerner Commission – formally, the National Advisory Commission on Civil Disorders — in 1967 wrote that “the news media have failed to analyze and report adequately on racial problems in the United States and, as a related matter, to meet the Negro’s legitimate expectations in journalism. By and large, news organizations have failed to communicate to both their black and white audiences a sense of the problems America faces and the sources of potential solutions. The media report and write from the standpoint of a white man’s world. The ills of the ghetto, the difficulties of life there, the Negro’s burning sense of grievance, are seldom conveyed.”

The report went on, “Slights and indignities are part of the Negro’s daily life, and many of them come from what he now calls ‘the white press’—a press that repeatedly, if unconsciously, reflects the biases, the paternalism, the indifference of white America. This … is not excusable in an institution that has the mission to inform and educate the whole of our society. “

The Commission reported that one person they interviewed had this to say: “The average black person couldn’t give less of a damn about what the media say. The intelligent black person is resentful at what he considers to be a totally false portrayal of what goes on in the ghetto. Most black people see the newspapers as mouthpieces of the ‘power structure.’”

The Kerner Commission concluded that the media had been “shockingly backward” in hiring black reporters and editors. And this is a condition that remains woefully true today. Despite years of at least nominal attempts, so little came of the diversification effort that an organization of newspaper editors eventually came to call it “mission impossible.”

 

Having established that our media institutions fail badly at inclusion, let us turn now to what appears to be an equally impossible mission – fulfilling the hopes of democratization in new media.

You would think that the remarkable new worlds opened before us by technology and social media would guarantee a more democratic, more richly representative media. Alas, you’d be wrong. You’ve seen the statistics.

Here, let us note first that the white and male dominance has NOT come about because women have been unsuccessful. A 2012 study from Dow Jones VentureSource indicated that start-ups led by women are actually MORE likely to succeed. A Strategic Management Journal article concluded that innovative companies with more women in top management showed stronger performance. So how do we explain the statistics we saw – how do we explain that we are replicating the same old patterns in this world of brand new, wide-open opportunities? And not just in terms of leadership at media startups – but, more broadly, in terms of who is heard on the Web.

The deeply discouraging truth is that new technologies are giving sexism new opportunities – and not just sexism, but truly abhorrent misogyny. You know, back in their heyday, newspapers were a pretty intimidating force. The average person found it hard to pierce the armor. That’s why the great press critic A. J. Liebling said, “Freedom of the press belongs to those who own one.” That’s why Mark Twain said, “Never pick a fight with people who buy ink by the barrel.”

Well, now, of course, everyone has freedom of the press. And everyone has an opportunity to pick a fight. And boy, do they pick ‘em. It turns out that, when people who haven’t had much opportunity to speak before are heard, new truths emerge. And some people very literally HATE that — no doubt because they’re afraid of the change it represents. So what we’re seeing is that these new tools of expression are being turned into new tools of OPpression. And women – women of color, particularly — are being hounded out of the public square.

This is especially sad, given that women have long been woefully underrepresented in traditional commentary – in op-eds, columns, even letters to the editor. I remember hearing some years ago about a clinic in which women were being taught to write op-ed pieces. “Write about what you know,” said the leader. “Oh, I’m not really an expert on anything,” the women demurred. The teacher’s first thought was, “Funny — I’ve never heard a man say that.” But the next thought, for each of us, should be that we are ALL experts on our own lives, and our experiences are essential if society is to understand its challenges, and try to solve them.

Women are often held back because they think that it’s their job to keep things running along smoothly, to keep people happy. They’re uncomfortable with the idea that they might cause problems. But we cause problems by NOT speaking up. It’s our families, our children who are hurt when we don’t point out the problems with being stuck halfway through that revolution, with nobody having time to care for one another. These are problems that we are expert in, and our voices must be heard. It is our responsibility to speak out so that society might move forward on these challenges.

And this is why it’s so deplorable to see women’s voices – now given the opportunity to be heard – met online by a small minority of haters. A Lillian Lodge Kopenhaver Center fellow, Dr. Michelle Ferrier –an associate dean at Ohio University’s Scripps College of Communication, spoke eloquently about this at a recent Online News Association panel. “If we stereotype ‘trolls’ as just misfit teen boys,” she said, “we fail to address their goal: to silence women and people of color in media.”

 

The arts

Now I want to move away from journalism for a little while and take you into the world of the arts, where so often leadership toward change takes place.

Let’s begin with a young New Yorker named Lin Manuel Miranda. The man is a genius. The MacArthur Foundation made it official the other day, giving him one of their so-called “genius grants,” but any friend of mine will tell you I’ve been calling him that ever since I saw his rollicking new play “Hamilton” on Broadway. He wrote the book AND the music AND the lyrics — and he stars in the play, as well. Here’s what the New Yorker review said about “Hamilton:”

“Rooted in hip-hop, but also encompassing R. & B., jazz, pop, Tin Pan Alley, and the choral strains of contemporary Broadway, the show is an achievement of historical and cultural reimagining. In Miranda’s telling, the headlong rise of one self-made immigrant becomes the story of America. Hamilton announces himself in a signature refrain: ‘Hey, yo, I’m just like my country / I’m young, scrappy and hungry / And I’m not throwing away my shot.’”

The review continues:

“It does not seem accidental that ‘Hamilton’ was created during the tenure of the first African-American president. The musical presents the birth of the nation in an unfamiliar but necessary light: not solely as the work of élite white men but as the foundational story of all Americans. Thomas Jefferson, James Madison, and George Washington are all played by African-Americans. Miranda also gives prominent roles to women… Miranda portrays the Founding Fathers not as exalted statesmen but as orphaned sons, reckless revolutionaries, and sometimes petty rivals, living at a moment of extreme volatility, opportunity, and risk. The achievements and the dangers of America’s current moment—under the Presidency of a fatherless son of an immigrant, born in the country’s island margins—are never far from view.”

The play is nothing less than a game-changer – because it’s so inclusive. First, he brings together an astonishing array of original music. But more important, he brings together an astonishing and utterly unexpected array of PEOPLE. And in doing so, he quite simply changes the way you look at this nation, and at its founding.

 

Now let’s consider the nation’s new poet laureate, Juan Felipe Herrera. The other day, as he was preparing for his first official reading, he did an interview with NPR. And he talked about a poem he wrote in response to the shooting tragedy in Charleston, South Carolina. He said that “poetry is a call to action and it also is action. Sometimes we say, ‘This tragedy, it happened far away. I don’t know what to do. I’m concerned but I’m just dangling in space.’”

“A poem can lead you through that, and it is made of action because you’re giving your whole life to it in that moment. And then the poem — you give it to everyone. Not that we’re going to change somebody’s mind — no, we’re going to change that small, three-minute moment. And someone will listen. That’s the best we can do.”

Herrera is the child of Mexican migrant farmworkers – a childhood he described beatifically as “like living in literature every day.” The people who heard this on NPR – think what a lovely, mind-expanding opportunity they had in listening to him, as he offered this insight. As he gave us one individual’s constructive response to the kind of tragedy that keeps engulfing us with such deadening regularity. How sad that such an opportunity is so rare in today’s media.

 

A couple of week ago, at the New York Public Library, I had an electrifying experience at a program introduced by Elizabeth Alexander, the poet who composed and delivered the poem for President Obama’s first inauguration. The evening featured Carrie Mae Weems, an artist, in conversation with Claudia Rankine. Rankine is a poet. She has a remarkable new book out, called “Citizen: An American Lyric.” It gives us a gripping sense of what it’s like to be black in our country at this moment.

One critic has said that Rankine’s book “comes at you like doom.” Another called it “one of the best books I’ve ever wanted NOT to read, adding: “Its genius…resides in the capacity to make so many different versions of American life proper to itself, to instruct us in the depth and variety of our participation in a narrative of race that we recount and reinstate, even when we speak as though it weren’t there.”

 

“We speak as though it weren’t there.” Indeed we do. And surely that is in large part because, for far too long, it has NOT been there – this narrative, the narrative of black life. Not there in our journalism, not in our movies or TV shows. Not there, in our media. That evening, in New York, I received a privilege which traditional media have largely robbed me of — the experience of listening to three brilliant African-American women talking about the truths of their lives. An experience at once challenging and full of the promise of growth.

Here is one thing that Rankine said that night in New York: “By not speaking up, one is complicit. You allow things to happen to you because you don’t want to make the space you’re inhabiting uncomfortable.”

We so badly need, in this country, to be ready to be uncomfortable – without fear or hatred. To be open to the new. To understand one another’s experiences as being intertwined with our own. And to believe in the possibility of moving forward together.

How do we do that in a world in which new voices are straining to be heard, a world in which journalism is trapped in conventions that often render it more of a hindrance than a help?

One of our most thoughtful press critics, NYU’s Jay Rosen, has noted that different times require different journalism. He wrote that journalism’s “possibilities and problems are different than they were in, say, 1974, when Richard Nixon resigned and the press felt a surge of power, as a righteous institution performing well in an hour of need. Today, what we most need from journalists is their enlivened imaginations, as they try to picture a scene where democracy and citizenship are not in a slow fade.” That, by the way, was in 1999 — and the fade has only hastened.

For many years now, journalism critics (including many journalists) have recognized the problem and offered up solutions. We have seen civic journalism, public journalism, solutions-oriented journalism, wisdom journalism, knowledge-based journalism and more.

All these efforts have come to little. Journalists mostly keep on doing what they’ve done for decades. Changing the minds and habits of journalists seems well nigh impossible. But changing the FACE of journalism – changing the VOICES in journalism: That is where the promise lies. That is what could make other changes possible.

Consider the moment in which we are living, and the place in which we are fortunate to live. We have always been a nation of immigrants. By 2055 there will be no racial or ethnic majority in this country. We are building our society afresh every day. Wouldn’t it be great if we could have the kind of game change in journalism that Lin Manuel Miranda has brought to theater? Perhaps that could help us see ourselves as capable of building that new society – help us see ourselves as RESPONSIBLE for doing that. Oh, how we could use a journalism nourished by new blood and loosed from the constraint of its conventions. A journalism whose ranks are bolstered by citizens assuming responsibility for the public dialogue.

Think what could happen through a richer embrace of all of our human talent – all the remarkable women and men, immigrants and natives of this great country. Through an understanding that the experience of the migrant worker’s child is as valuable to our comprehending our society as is the experience of a Wall Street investment banker. We might come to recognize that our democracy needs our hearts as much as it needs our minds – and that enabling democratic self-government is about enabling each of us to understand the unity we can achieve, simply by bringing our individual humanity to civic life. With the aid of a more egalitarian, more representative media we can build a more egalitarian, more representative society.

We need a journalism that makes a place for all of our lives; and, in all of our lives, we need to make a place for journalism. By that I mean a place for both the consumption – the thoughtful and discerning selection and support of media by each of us — and the creation of information in the public interest. For, as traditional journalism is diminished and undermined by economic forces, we have not just an opening but a responsibility to help inform the public debate. We have a responsibility to be heard, and to safeguard the space where those with differing views can also be heard.

Like most efforts, this one, for most of us, will start at home. It will start in our communities – geographic communities, communities of interest. We can help shape the debate, help create a sense of direction, help foster hope. We can think of our world as the founders thought of this new country – it is ours to shape. We start now, start here, and new possibilities will begin to open up. And the national conversation will change along with those possibilities.

I think back to that dazzling evening I described at the New York Public Library, where those talented women, with their fierce passion and warm generosity, gave us the gift of their fresh ideas and deeply human experiences. Gifts all of us could benefit from. Gifts all of us could offer, if we had the chance – and took the opportunity — to see and hear one another.

In closing, let me say: This is my dream of what might be possible. I offer it up after 45 years in journalism – a craft that I love. And with the huge faith that I hold in the wisdom of the American people. I hunger for something like this, because we so badly need it now, at this period of our democracy, in order to realize the promise of which we are the caretakers. It may seem unlikely. But this is something journalism could do, if all of us took up these roles. I hope you will seize this opportunity.

Thank you. I look forward to your questions and comments.

 

 

Some fairness, please

The press is right to cover assiduously Hillary’s email controversy. And NOT right not to cover her important UN speech! See the fine piece here, which I found only after searching arduously for anything about the speech amid the clamor about the email: http://www.newsweek.com/hillary-clinton-two-front-war-312833

I must note, this brings up an unhappy memory. Twenty years ago, when Clinton gave her Beijing speech on the topic of women’s rights, I was ombudsman at the Washington Post. And I got a call from a staffer of Hillary’s– Lissa Muscatine, now an owner of the bookstore Politics and Prose in DC — saying that, while the coverage of the speech was terrific (and it was — noting that this was the first truly important foreign policy speech given by a First Lady), the paper had incorrectly printed accompanying excerpts from different remarks she had given that day, to a much smaller crowd, on abortion rights. Thus, the coverage touted the importance of the speech, and the printed remarks were from another address entirely.

I said I was sure the foreign desk would want to correct it, especially since the record would otherwise be wrong. She said she had already talked to them, and they had declined. Astonished, I talked to the foreign editor myself, and found him tenacioiusly resistant. Only after considerable back and forth did he reluctantly publish a “clarification,” not a correction. Such resistance to being fair about women’s words remains, clearly, today (as does that editor, at the Post — Jackson Diehl, now with the oped page.) This surely must change. It’s against the press’s own interest (not to mention the nation’s) to be so blind to fairness.

Her campaigning for women’s rights, and her efforts to explain her emails, shows how tricky it is to be Hillary.
newsweek.com|By Nina Burleigh